By Kaynan Hudson
The aim of socialism is ‘to put a stop to the mad competition for existence, which is the cause of poverty…’, wrote socialist and trade unionist Tom Maguire. [1] Despite living much of his life in destitution, Leeds-born Maguire radically challenged 19th-century political orthodoxy, leading the way in developing a new approach to trade union politics. Though he has often been overlooked in retrospect, his achievements demonstrate that he deserves to be commemorated as one of the greatest leaders in British trade union history, who offers an inspirational example for the left today.
The only known photograph of Tom Maguire.
Maguire was born to Irish migrant parents in 1866, growing up in the densely populated Bank area of East Leeds. Spending his early years living in poverty, he took on the responsibility of caring for his mother after his father’s passing. This foundational experience, growing up in an over-crowded and impoverished area, would fundamentally shape his later politics, providing an authenticity to his speeches and writings on 19th century working-class life that lacked in some middle-class socialist writing at the time. Although not much is known about his younger years, it is noted that he sang in a church choir, took a keen interest in Irish literature and music, and spent time working as a photographer. [2]
At the age of 18, Maguire came across a socialist pamphlet at the local Secular Hall, and began immediately entrenching himself in socialist politics. British socialism was in a period of rapid expansion at the time — although proto-socialist ideas had been evident in movements such as the 17th century Diggers and the mid-19th century Chartists, explicitly socialist organising only became more widespread in Britain after foundational socialist texts were translated into English in the late 19th century. Soon after immersing himself in socialist philosophy, Maguire became politically active in the trade union movement, first as a union organiser in Leeds. His most notable success was his leadership in the pivotal 1890 Gasworks Strike, which would come to shape his political outlook greatly.
In 1889 Maguire worked with Leeds gasworkers to form a branch of the newly established National Union of Gasworkers and General Labourers. At this time, the Leeds gasworks were controlled by the city council, which was led by the Liberal Party. By negotiating with the Liberal council, the union made significant gains for workers, including an eight hour day, holiday pay, and wage increases. [3]
Leeds Gasworkers.
However, a year later the Liberals reneged on such gains. The council began to dismiss employees and then rehire them on less favourable pay and conditions (a practice that continues today as ‘fire and rehire’). A strike was called, and rather than negotiate with the union, the Liberals brought blacklegs from across the country into Leeds to break the strike. Maguire, alongside fellow trade unionist Will Thorne, led 30,000 workers in resisting the strikebreaking, leading to a confrontation between the strikers and the scabs. [4] Friedrich Engels described the scene as the ‘Battle of Leeds’. However, when the Leeds workers explained the background of the dispute to the blacklegs, many of them got back on their trains and left the city, refusing to cross the picket line in solidarity. Eventually, the council conceded to the union’s demands.
Throughout the late-19th century, the working class, both as individuals and unions, was heavily politically aligned with the Liberal Party as it was believed that incremental gains could be procured through cooperation with the party. [5] Most unions supported the Liberals as it was viewed as the best means to achieve their aims within Britain’s two-party system which was dominated by the Liberals and the Conservative Party.
Although Maguire had always been sceptical of the Liberals, the Gasworkers’ dispute gave credence to his argument that the working class could never achieve justice without a new political party that would solely represent their interests. The dispute marked a turning point in the development of ‘New Unionism’, a more radical approach to union politics which emphasised labour autonomy rather than reliance on the Liberal Party.
Maguire was an early critic of the Liberal-Conservative duopoly. With a typically humorous flair, he wrote an article in 1893 criticising the ‘Lib-Lab’ arrangement in which unions gave their support to some Liberal political candidates. One quote demonstrates both his disdain for Lib-Lab politicians and his characteristic tongue-in-cheek writing style:
‘Be in time, gents, and see the two recently captured Liberal Labour chameleons … A prize of one penny is offered to anyone who can tell their true colours.’ [6]
Rather than confining his argument to the pages of newspapers, Maguire actively organised the establishment of autonomous socialist political parties. First, he helped form a branch of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) in Leeds in 1884. However, by 1885 the SDF had split, and Maguire left the group along with others to form a Leeds branch of the newly established Socialist League, which was led nationally by William Morris. In 1893, after the Socialist League dissolved, Maguire attended the founding conference of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) in Bradford. The ILP would later merge with other socialist organisations and trade unions to become the Labour Representation Committee in 1900 (renamed the Labour Party in 1906).
Challenging political orthodoxy fundamentally defined Maguire’s politics. Not only was he an early champion of independent working-class political parties, he also challenged 19th century union orthodoxy by organising previously non-unionised sectors and workers. Most notably, he led the way in unionising ‘unskilled’ workers that contemporary unions had often overlooked. For example, throughout the 19th century many women were excluded from the trade union movement. This was not due to oversight but to the patriarchal direction of the union bosses. At a speech at the TUC in 1875, the prominent trade unionist and Lib-Lab politician Henry Broadhurst argued that trade unions should ensure that women ‘should be in their proper sphere at home’ rather than compete in the industrial sphere ‘against the great and strong men of the world’ [7].
Maguire openly challenged such widespread beliefs by advocating the unionisation of women’s workplaces. As stated by one of Maguire’s comrades, the Leeds socialist Edward Carpenter, ‘his views regarding the position of women were unusually advanced, as were his sympathies with them’. [8]
In October of 1889, Maguire supported other Leeds socialists, including Isabella Ford and Clementina Black, in unionising seamstresses and organising a strike. [9] Although the strike was unsuccessful, it is an important moment in trade union history as it highlights the important and often under-appreciated role of women in advancing the cause of the working class. Maguire rightly recognised that justice for the working class would not be achieved by only advancing the rights and working conditions of one section of it, but rather that the rights of all working people must be advanced.
Leeds’ seamstresses of Marshall Mill
His emphasis on fighting for all workers was grounded in his belief that unions must not only improve the material conditions of the working class, but should also foster class consciousness to build solidarity across our communities. This is important to modern day union organising in two aspects. Firstly, the far right in Britain is currently trying to divide working class communities along ethnic and religious lines, sustaining the mainstream discourse by blaming migrants for neoliberalism’s economic failings. Modern unions must show that the working-class, in all its diversity, is united by our common socio-economic position. Therefore, we share fundamental common interests, regardless of our religion, ethnicity, sexuality, gender, or citizenship status. As RMT secretary-general Mick Lynch stated in response to the recent far-right rioting, ‘The message of our class is that we’re one people united, in one struggle. We refuse to be divided, we won’t let these people get amongst us and cause us to hate each other. We will come through.’[10]
Secondly, Thatcher’s neoliberal project continues, with casual labour creating further precarity for workers. The modern gig economy is fundamentally reshaping the industrial sphere, as workers are placed onto zero hours contracts, or are falsely categorised as self-employed. Following Maguire’s lesson of organising precarious workers, modern unions must reach out to the often left-behind workers, employed by companies like Amazon and Uber, who find it difficult to unionise and often face contractual loopholes preventing them from having fundamental workers’ rights. [11] Unionising precarious workers is essential if we want to improve the pay, working conditions, and rights of all of the working class. As Maguire emphasised, trade unions must ensure that no worker is left behind.
Beyond political organising, Maguire sought to spread socialist philosophy via his articles in socialist periodicals and his poetry. [12] Rather than reciting socialist theory and accounts of strikes dully, Maguire wrote emotively and always underpinned his words with a moral and ethical call to socialism. He distinctly wrote in the language of the working class so that his articles and poetry, and most importantly his ideas, were accessible to a wider audience. One of his short poems demonstrates this and still resonates with modern audiences:
Sing a song of England,
Shuddering with cold
Doomed to slow starvation
By the gods of gold;
See her famished children
Hunger-marked, and mean,
Isn’t that a dainty dish
To lay before the Queen? [13]
Maguire tragically died of pneumonia in 1895, aged just 29, having been left without food or heating. Over 1000 people attended his funeral, including Keir Hardie, and many of the workers Maguire helped throughout his life, including seamstresses, bricklayers, and Jewish tailors. He is buried at Beckett Street Cemetery in Leeds, close to the Bank area where he lived. The words on his gravestone aptly summarise him: ‘Bold, cautious, true, and a loving comrade’.
A red plaque dedicated to Tom Maguire placed at the Leeds Bus Station by the Ford-Maguire Society.
We have much to learn from Maguire. At a time when politics is often viewed as the preserve of a privileged few, Maguire serves as a reminder of why more working class people must get involved in politics. Without voices like Maguire’s, workers would never have gained many of the rights we have today such as holiday pay, limits on working hours, parental pay, and so much more, most of which were later codified into law under Labour governments. Such rights prove much of Maguire’s argument: socialism can only be advanced through the political sphere and the industrial sphere working in tandem. In other words, the ballot box and the shopfloor are equally important.
However, this does not mean that unions should be complacent in the face of Labour victory. Rather, those unions that are affiliated with the Labour Party, and the wider trade union movement, must continue to lobby and pressure the Labour Party to ensure that it does not renege on its pro-worker policies (as the Liberals did in the Gasworks dispute). Taking Labour’s New Deal as its starting point, the trade union movement must continue to advocate for the advancement of workers’ rights.
Socialists and trade unionists today stand on the shoulders of people like Maguire. However, although much progress has been made since Maguire was politically active, there is still so much more to do. Maguire’s struggle against poverty, outlined at the beginning of this article, continues today. Like Maguire, we must be open to new ways of organising in order to adapt to our current challenges. Unions today must have an additional focus on unionising left-behind workers who feel powerless against international companies, and unions must be at the forefront of building solidarity amongst a diverse working-class which the political right will always seek to divide.
It is not an easy task, but we owe it to Tom Maguire and the socialists of the past to continue the fight for a fairer society that gives dignity to the lives of all.
Bibliography:
[1] https://morningstaronline.co.uk/article/tom-maguire-man-working-class-and-working-class
[2] https://www.independentlabour.org.uk/2013/12/10/ilp120-tom-maguire-–-a-leeds-pioneer/
[3] https://tribunemag.co.uk/2019/02/tom-maguire-and-the-trade-union-movement
[4] ibid
[5] The Liberal Party and the trade unions | History and Policy
[6] Tom Maguire: ‘An Under-Paid Agitator’ in the Late-Victorian Socialist Press by Elizabeth Carolyn Miller (https://english.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk15541/files/media/documents/Tom_Maguire_An_Under-Paid_Agitator_in_th.pdf)
[7] Women’s Labour and Trade Unionism – Dangerous Women Project
[8] Tom Maguire: ‘An Under-Paid Agitator’ in the Late-Victorian Socialist Press by Elizabeth Carolyn Miller (https://english.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk15541/files/media/documents/Tom_Maguire_An_Under-Paid_Agitator_in_th.pdf)
[9] ibid
[10] https://www.thelondoneconomic.com/news/mick-lynch-far-right-riots-380328/
[11] ‘Hired – Six Months Undercover in Low Wage Britain’ by James Bloodworth. Published 2018 by Atlantic Books.
[12] Tom Maguire: ‘An Under-Paid Agitator’ in the Late-Victorian Socialist Press by Elizabeth Carolyn Miller (https://english.ucdavis.edu/sites/g/files/dgvnsk15541/files/media/documents/Tom_Maguire_An_Under-Paid_Agitator_in_th.pdf)
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